Chapter 820: Chapter 728: Changing Fate

Zubov cast a sidelong glance at Mavahovski and snarled, “I warn you, your actions will bring terrible disaster to your country!”

“We are already accustomed to disasters.” Mavahovski pushed the armistice agreement text on the table forward again. “And it is Russia, the creator of these disasters, that must return every inch of Polish territory. Only then will this treaty have the possibility of being signed. This is the resolution unanimously passed by our parliament.”

“The resolution of the Polish Parliament? Haha.” Zubov laughed derisively, “You are facing the three most powerful countries in Europe. This is no place for you to make resolutions.”

He glanced at the Prussian and Austrian negotiators beside him, seemingly looking for their support.

However, Prussia’s Foreign Minister Friedrichs merely nodded lightly.

Austria’s Count Rheinphels stared at the ceiling and said, “Hmm, the treaty must be signed as soon as possible.”

Both had keenly noticed earlier that the Poles only demanded Russia to return the land, without mentioning Prussia or Austria at all.

The Polish stance clearly targeted Russia. This was understandable, as Russia had initiated this war, and the Eastern Front had been the primary battleground.

So why should they go out of their way to defend Russia?

Lord Grenville, serving as the “Mediation Envoy,” remained silent–England’s strategy had always focused on weakening Russia rather than involving itself in prolonged squabbles with Poland.

Unsurprisingly, the first round of negotiations quickly ended in a stalemate.

At four in the afternoon, Zubov issued yet another threat–who knows how many times he had done so–before storming out of the negotiation hall in fury.

Though externally appearing resolute, Mavahovski was deeply unsettled inside. His hands trembled slightly beneath the table.

He knew full well that Poland stood no chance against powers like Russia, Prussia, or Austria, any one of which was beyond Poland’s ability to confront.

Moreover, he was acutely aware that Poland’s national strength had been pushed to its limits. If they failed to sign the armistice agreement this time, Poland would be at serious risk of collapse.

Yet he chose to accept the negotiation strategy proposed by Mr. Sais. This French ally’s previous suggestions for Polish national policies had all proved remarkably correct.

He could only hope this time would be no different.

After the banquet hosted by the Saxon King, the representatives returned to their rooms individually.

Count Rheinphels’ assistant, however, changed into a servant’s attire and secretly slipped into Mavahovski’s residence.

After an honest conversation, the Austrian concealed his excitement and said, “So, the Polish government has no objections to our conditions for the armistice?”

“Correct.” Mavahovski nodded. “Austria and our nation are both Catholic countries, and many volunteers from your land have joined our Holy War to resist the Russian Army. Our government is willing to make concessions to your country.”

“But as you know, anti-Russian sentiment is currently at its peak in our nation. The Parliament must adopt a tough stance against Russia, or it will face backlash from all across the country!”

“Yes, I completely understand.”

An hour later, the representatives of Prussia, Austria, and England convened in Lord Grenville’s room.

“Apart from war reparations and limiting military force, the Poles have essentially accepted our conditions. Oh, they insist on full management of Gdansk but have agreed to guarantee Prussia’s access to the port and preferential policies for merchant ships.”

Gdansk Port primarily conducted business with Eastern European nations. Prussian merchant ships were a major source of income, meaning the Polish government would certainly not object to Prussia utilizing the port.

“Then, the only obstacle remaining for signing the treaty lies in Russia’s attitude.”

Friedrichs nodded. “Perhaps we could exert some pressure on Russia. To be honest, if Russia hadn’t performed so poorly in the war, we wouldn’t be wasting time negotiating with the Poles here.”

Lord Grenville expressed his agreement immediately. “We indeed have no need to prolong hostilities with Poland for Russia’s sake.”

England was the party most eager for a swift armistice. Only after Prussia and Austria withdrew from the Polish battlefield could England potentially draw them into its war against France.

At the next day’s negotiation meeting, Zubov repeated his same rhetoric, insisting that Russia’s demands must be fully met.

Unexpectedly, Count Rheinphels interjected, “I believe we should all demonstrate sincerity in ending this war–Russia especially.”

“What?”

Friedrichs followed, “Our country is considering relinquishing certain rights in Gdansk, even though our forces still surround the area. Meanwhile, Russia has effectively withdrawn from Minsk and Mozhili. To demand control of those areas seems inappropriate…”

Zubov glared furiously at the two. “What are you talking about? This war was won thanks to Russia, and now you want us to abandon our interests!”

Lord Grenville quietly remarked, “Count Zubov, my nation’s investments in Donbass have already been affected by the damage to the Port of Cremea.”

“…”

Zubov widened his eyes, sensing that the negotiation seemed to have become an exercise in everyone ganging up against him.

After a grueling week of discussions, Russia, Prussia, Austria, and Poland finally reached consensus on the terms of the armistice.

Naturally, Russia was strong-armed into compliance by its three “allies.”

On March 21, the “Dresden Treaty” was officially signed.

The treaty stipulated that Austria would retain the western and central portions of Sandomierz according to the “territories under actual control.”

Prussia, based on the same principle, would secure the provinces of Poznan, Kalish, and Gniezno and gain joint access to Gdansk Port alongside Poland.

Russia, likewise following the principle of “actual control,” obtained parts of Minsk and Mozhili east of the Dnieper River–an area accounting for less than 15% of the two provinces in total. Practically, the entire east side of the Dnieper River was populated by Eastern Orthodox residents, and in case of war, Russia could likely seize the region instantly.

Thus, the Polish Parliament ultimately agreed to cede these minor territories. Should another war with Russia break out, Poland would be able to rely on the Dnieper River for defense.

Russia, Prussia, and Austria failed to notice that Mavahovski insisted on using the term “territories under actual control” in the treaty.

This wording, of course, was suggested by Joseph, who had studied numerous international disputes across history.

Do not underestimate the significance of this phrasing–it transformed Poland’s territorial cession into “foreign occupation.” Should Poland regain strength decades or centuries later, this terminology would become a point for dispute.

From the perspective of Russia, Prussia, and Austria, as long as they acquired the territory, the textual nuances posed no concern.

That afternoon, Mavahovski returned to Warsaw with the treaty in hand, his expression grim.

To him, this represented Poland’s profound humiliation.

However, compared to the historical “Two Melons” treaties which cost Poland 60% of its territory, this time Poland’s losses were minimal.

Moreover, the resistance during the war had fostered immense national unity within Poland, ensuring the preservation of its constitutional and reform achievements.

In the future, Poland would break free from its fate of repeated partitions and eventual annihilation!